Section B: Information Matching
Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in one of the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived. You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.
The Free-Trade Paradox
[A] Trade is one of the policy areas where the hostility that exists between populists and classical liberals is most visible. Free-traders point to the undeniable good that tariff-free trade has done for consumers across the world and to the observable alleviation of poverty in corners of the world where previously closed markets have been opened up. Protectionists point to the domestic producers who've paid the price for this globalized economy in the form of lost livelihoods and hollowed-out communities.
[B] The ongoing conservative civil war often degenerates into content-free tribal warfare, but trade is a rare exception. There are substantial, thought-out policy proposals on both sides of the argument.
[C] Consequently, trade as a topic of discussion provides an opportunity for liberals and populists to have a real meeting of minds. Fruitful debates might actually take place in this area, as opposed to the familiar ritual we've become accustomed to of condemnation met with counter-condemnation.
[D] Strange as it might sound, the problem with trade in the modern world isn’t a matter of dollars and cents. It’s a matter of false consciousness. This observation is bound to set Marxist alarm bells ringing in the minds of some readers, but it was first made by Alexis de Tocqueville in 1840.
[E] Tracking the economic development of mankind from primitive to modern societies, Tocqueville observed a paradox unfolding over the centuries as economic realities and human experience of those realities strayed further and further from each other. In primitive societies, he notes, the division of labor was as yet undeveloped for the most part, requiring each person, family, or tribe to be relatively independent when it came to meeting their own basic material needs. Men built their own dwellings, farmed their own land, tended to their own livestock. This is not to deny that basic forms of trade took place, but, for the most part, our primitive ancestors lived fairly self-reliant, if crushingly poor, lives.
[F] However, the exclusively local and face-to-face nature of economic and political organization in the ancient and prehistoric worlds constantly impressed upon these primitive peoples the uncontrollable reality of others and their needs. As Tocqueville notes, “as soon as a man begins to deal with common affairs in public, he begins to perceive that he is not so independent of his fellow men as he had first imagined, and that in order to obtain their support he must often lend them his cooperation.”
[G] At the advent of the modern world, the division of labor spread further and further throughout society. Each person became more and more dependent on others for their basic needs. And yet, robbed of the engagement with our neighbors and with our local communities that our ancestors were forced into by circumstance. We feel ourselves to be more and more independent of one another. As we become more and more dependent on others, we become less and less conscious of our dependence on others. This is the paradox of trade in the modern world.
[H] The false consciousness that this paradox generates causes havoc on the debates we have about free trade. There is scarcely a single commodity in any American household that isn’t dependent for its manufacture and sale, through one supply chain or another, on scores of different people spread out across the entire globe. But as Tocqueville already foresaw in 1840, we do not feel dependent on these strangers for our way of life. No sense of the dependence of our own material welfare on their work ever strikes our national consciousness. We rarely contemplate the globalized avenues of free trade with gratitude.
[I] There are two reasons for this. The first, to put it bluntly, is money. Money allows us to purchase the work of others without giving any thought to them as human beings. Unlike our ancestors in their primitive townships, we rarely have to meet face-to-face the people who've invented, built, shipped, or supplied our goods. No relationship has to be built before an exchange can take place. Simply agree on a price, and you can have any goods you wish without taking a second thought for the human being involved on the other side of the transaction. In this way, money makes us feel more independent than we actually are. Each of us senses the hold that it has over our fellows. We know that if we bid highly enough we can buy ourselves out of the time-consuming labor of building relationships. Money is kind of like magic in that way. It gives us a set of rituals to perform and promises that if we do so we'll be able to wield power over others. The illusion is created that having enough money to buy something is the equivalent of knowing how to make it yourself. Gratitude for the anonymous men and women who make up the supply chain rarely makes its way into our consciousness.
[J] Anonymity, in fact, is the second root cause of the free-trade paradox. Modernity has emancipated everyone from the limits of location and community. By and large, when we trade, we trade with strangers; when we vote, we vote for strangers; when we watch, read, or listen to stories, the tellers of the tales are strangers. As opposed to the ancestors Tocqueville compares us to, we do not know the people with whom we have to do, in either the economic or the political sphere. This is simply the shadow side of the miracle of markets, which, for the first time in history, have allowed strangers to look after each other. They've also allowed each of us to live more and more of our lives exclusively as strangers to other people. This is how Tocqueville --- rather pessimistically --- describes us: Each, standing apart, is like a stranger to the destiny of others; his children and personal friends forming for him the entire human race. As for the remainder of his fellow citizens, he is beside them, but he does not see them. He touches them, but he does not feel them. He exists only in and for himself.
[K] The last sentence but one is as apt a summary as one could hope to come by of how each of us functions in the modern economy: “He touches them, but he does not feel them.”
[L] This is the greatest challenge facing defenders of free trade. It’s exceedingly difficult for human beings to feel gratitude toward strangers, and the global marketplace that has made us so rich has also made us strangers to one another. Our brains are hardwired for tribal life, and tribes do not take kindly to strangers. Impressing a sense of dependence upon and gratitude toward foreign strangers is therefore an uphill task.
[M] If free-traders are going to win policy arguments in the future, they'll have to find a way of forging bonds of affection between American consumers and foreign producers. Only by de-anonymizing the men and women who supply us with the goods and services we enjoy from overseas and by creating a sense of solidarity and relationship across borders that transcends economic interest can free trade win the day. Otherwise, the inborn biological upper hand that protectionists have in the form of nationalist solidarity is bound to win the day at the ballot box.
36. People became more and more reliant on others for basic needs as they entered the modern world even though they might feel less so.
37. On the topic of trade, productive debates might be possible, in contrast to the familiar mutual condemnation in discussing other issues.
38. We feel greater independence than we actually possess because money allows us to buy things without building any relationships.
39. The trouble with today’s trade stems from misconceptions rather than money.
40. For their arguments to prevail, advocates of free trade must try to forge bonds of affection between consumers at home and producers overseas.
41. According to Tocqueville, unlike our ancestors, we and the people we do trade with are strangers to each other.
42. In primitive societies, people had to rely mostly on themselves to meet their personal needs.
43. Few commodities in American homes are not reliant on people abroad in the process of manufacture and sale.
44. Protectionists argue against free trade by referring to the losses suffered by domestic producers and communities.
45. It is extremely hard to make people feel dependent on and grateful to strangers overseas.
全文翻译
贸易是民粹主义者和古典自由主义者之间存在的敌意最为明显的政策领域之一。自由贸易者指出免关税贸易为全球消费者带来的不可否认的好处，以及在世界原先封闭的市场被打开后，那些地区可以观察到的贫困缓解。保护主义者则指出国内生产者为这个全球化经济付出的代价——失去生计和被掏空的社区。正在进行的保守派内战常常沦为没有内容的派系战争，但贸易是一个罕见的例外。争论双方都有实质性的、经过深思熟虑的政策建议。因此，贸易作为讨论话题为自由主义者和民粹主义者提供了一个真正交流思想的机会。在这个领域，也许能够进行富有成效的辩论，而不是我们已习以为常的谴责碰谴责的熟悉仪式。尽管听起来可能很奇怪，现代世界的贸易问题不在于金钱上的得失。它是一个虚假意识的问题。这一观察注定会在某些读者脑海中敲响马克思主义的警钟，但它最早是由亚历克西斯·德·托克维尔在1840年提出的。托克维尔追踪了人类从原始社会到现代社会的经济发展，观察到一个跨越几个世纪的悖论：经济现实和人们对这些现实的人类体验，两者之间走得越来越远。他指出，在原始社会中，劳动分工在大多数情况下尚未发展起来，要求每个人、家庭或部落在满足自身基本物质需求方面相对独立。男人自己建造房屋，耕种自己的土地，照料自己的牲畜。这并不是要否认基本形式的贸易曾经存在，但在很大程度上，我们的原始祖先过着虽极度贫困却相当自给自足的生活。然而，在古代和史前世界中，经济和政治组织完全基于本地和面对面的性质，不断让这些原始人意识到他人及其需求这一不可控制的事实。正如托克维尔所指出的："一旦一个人开始公开处理公共事务，他就开始意识到他并不像最初想象的那样独立于他的同胞，并且为了获得他们的支持，他必须经常向他们提供他的合作。"进入现代世界后，劳动分工在社会中蔓延得越来越广泛。每个人都越来越依赖他人来满足自己的基本需求。然而，由于被剥夺了我们祖先因环境所迫而与邻人和本地社区进行的交往，我们感觉自己越来越彼此独立。随着我们越来越依赖他人，我们对自己依赖他人的意识却越来越少。这就是现代世界贸易的悖论。这一悖论所产生的虚假意识，对我们关于自由贸易的辩论造成了严重破坏。几乎任何一个美国家庭中的任何一件商品，其制造和销售都通过这样或那样的供应链，依赖于遍布全球各地的数十个不同的人。但正如托克维尔在1840年就已预见到的，我们并不感到自己的生活方式依赖于这些陌生人。我们的国民意识中从未产生过对我们自身物质福利和他们的劳动之间存在依赖关系的感受。我们很少怀着感恩之心去思考全球化的自由贸易渠道。这背后有两个原因。第一个，坦率地说，是金钱。金钱使我们能够购买他人的劳动，而无需考虑他们作为人的存在。与我们的祖先在原始村镇中不同，我们很少需要与发明、建造、运输或供应我们商品的人面对面。交流发生之前不需要建立任何关系。只需商定一个价格，你就可以拥有任何你想要的商品，而无需对交易另一方所涉及的人给予第二考虑。通过这种方式，金钱让我们感觉自己比实际更独立。我们每个人都感觉到它对我们的同类有一种控制力。我们知道，如果我们出价足够高，我们就可以省去建立关系这一耗时的工作。金钱在这一点上有点像魔法。它给了我们一套仪式去执行，并承诺如果我们这样做，我们就能够对他人施加权力。一种幻觉被制造出来：拥有足够的钱购买某样东西，等同于知道如何自己制造它。对构成供应链的匿名男女的感恩之情很少进入我们的意识。事实上，匿名性是自由贸易悖论的第二个根本原因。现代性已将每个人从地点和社区的限制中解放出来。总的来说，当我们交易时，我们与陌生人交易；当我们投票时，我们投票给陌生人；当我们观看、阅读或聆听故事时，讲述者都是陌生人。与托克维尔与我们进行比较的祖先相反，我们不了解无论是在经济领域还是政治领域中与我们打交道的人。这只是市场奇迹的阴影面，这个奇迹有史以来第一次让陌生人能够彼此照顾。它们也让我们每个人越来越多地只作为他人的陌生人而生活。托克维尔是这样——相当悲观地——描述我们的：每个人，独处一旁，就像他人命运的陌生人；他的孩子和私人朋友对他来说构成了全人类。至于其余的同胞，他在他们身旁，却看不见他们。他触碰他们，却感受不到他们。他只为自己而存在。倒数第二句话是对我们每个人在现代经济中如何运作的恰如其分的概括："他触碰他们，却感受不到他们。"这是自由贸易捍卫者面临的最大挑战。人类极难对陌生人产生感恩之情，而让我们变得如此富裕的全球市场也让我们彼此变成了陌生人。我们的大脑天生为部落生活而设计，而部落对陌生人不会友善。因此，向外国陌生人传达依赖感和感恩之情，是一项无比艰巨的任务。如果自由贸易者要在未来的政策辩论中取胜，他们必须找到一种方式，在美国消费者和外国生产者之间锻造情感的纽带。只有通过去匿名化那些从海外为我们提供商品和服务的人们，并通过建立超越经济利益的跨国界团结感和关系，自由贸易才能赢得胜利。否则，保护主义者凭借民族主义团结这一与生俱来的生物学优势，注定会在投票箱前赢得胜利。
Answers & Explanations (答案与解析)
36. G。解析：题干 People became more and more reliant on others for basic needs as they entered the modern world even though they might feel less so. 对应 [G] 段 Each person became more and more dependent on others for their basic needs... We feel ourselves to be more and more independent of one another. reliant 对应 dependent，entered the modern world 对应 At the advent of the modern world。
37. C。解析：题干 On the topic of trade, productive debates might be possible, in contrast to the familiar mutual condemnation in discussing other issues. 对应 [C] 段 Fruitful debates might actually take place in this area, as opposed to the familiar ritual we've become accustomed to of condemnation met with counter-condemnation. productive debates 对应 Fruitful debates，in contrast to 对应 as opposed to，mutual condemnation 对应 condemnation met with counter-condemnation。
38. I。解析：题干 We feel greater independence than we actually possess because money allows us to buy things without building any relationships. 对应 [I] 段 In this way, money makes us feel more independent than we actually are... buy ourselves out of the time-consuming labor of building relationships. greater independence 对应 feel more independent，actually possess 对应 actually are。
39. D。解析：题干 The trouble with today’s trade stems from misconceptions rather than money. 对应 [D] 段 ...the problem with trade in the modern world isn’t a matter of dollars and cents. It’s a matter of false consciousness. misconceptions（误解）对应 false consciousness（虚假意识），rather than money 对应 isn’t a matter of dollars and cents。
40. M。解析：题干 For their arguments to prevail, advocates of free trade must try to forge bonds of affection between consumers at home and producers overseas. 对应 [M] 段 If free-traders are going to win policy arguments in the future, they'll have to find a way of forging bonds of affection between American consumers and foreign producers. prevail 对应 win policy arguments，advocates of free trade 对应 free-traders。
41. J。解析：题干 According to Tocqueville, unlike our ancestors, we and the people we do trade with are strangers to each other. 对应 [J] 段 As opposed to the ancestors Tocqueville compares us to, we do not know the people with whom we have to do... when we trade, we trade with strangers... unlike our ancestors 对应 As opposed to the ancestors。
42. E。解析：题干 In primitive societies, people had to rely mostly on themselves to meet their personal needs. 对应 [E] 段 In primitive societies... requiring each person... to be relatively independent when it came to meeting their own basic material needs. rely mostly on themselves 对应 relatively independent。
43. H。解析：题干 Few commodities in American homes are not reliant on people abroad in the process of manufacture and sale. 对应 [H] 段 There is scarcely a single commodity in any American household that isn’t dependent for its manufacture and sale... on scores of different people spread out across the entire globe. Few commodities... are not reliant 对应 scarcely a single commodity... isn't dependent。
44. A。解析：题干 Protectionists argue against free trade by referring to the losses suffered by domestic producers and communities. 对应 [A] 段 Protectionists point to the domestic producers who've paid the price for this globalized economy in the form of lost livelihoods and hollowed-out communities. referring to the losses 对应 point to... paid the price / lost livelihoods。
45. L。解析：题干 It is extremely hard to make people feel dependent on and grateful to strangers overseas. 对应 [L] 段 It’s exceedingly difficult for human beings to feel gratitude toward strangers... Impressing a sense of dependence upon and gratitude toward foreign strangers is therefore an uphill task. extremely hard 对应 exceedingly difficult / an uphill task。
核心搭配与高分句型
【核心搭配与高频短语】
pay the price：付出代价（who've paid the price for this globalized economy）
as opposed to：与...形成对比，而不是（as opposed to the familiar ritual）
be bound to：必然会（This observation is bound to set Marxist alarm bells ringing）
when it comes to：当谈到...时（when it came to meeting their own basic material needs）
by and large：大体上，总的来说（By and large, when we trade, we trade with strangers）
win the day：获胜，取得胜利（can free trade win the day）
【亮点句型解析】
The more... the more... 隐含的比较结构：
"As we become more and more dependent on others, we become less and less conscious of our dependence on others."
（随着我们越来越依赖他人，我们对他人依赖的意识却越来越淡薄。）使用 `As` 引导时间/伴随状语，配合 `more and more` 和 `less and less` 形成了鲜明的对比，精辟地总结了“自由贸易的悖论”的核心观点。
"As we become more and more dependent on others, we become less and less conscious of our dependence on others."
（随着我们越来越依赖他人，我们对他人依赖的意识却越来越淡薄。）使用 `As` 引导时间/伴随状语，配合 `more and more` 和 `less and less` 形成了鲜明的对比，精辟地总结了“自由贸易的悖论”的核心观点。
倒装与让步状语从句：
"Strange as it might sound, the problem with trade in the modern world isn’t a matter of dollars and cents."
（尽管听起来可能很奇怪，现代世界贸易的问题并不是金钱的问题。）`形容词 + as + 主语 + 谓语` 是典型的让步状语从句倒装结构，相当于 `Although it might sound strange`，增强了语气的转折感和吸引力。
"Strange as it might sound, the problem with trade in the modern world isn’t a matter of dollars and cents."
（尽管听起来可能很奇怪，现代世界贸易的问题并不是金钱的问题。）`形容词 + as + 主语 + 谓语` 是典型的让步状语从句倒装结构，相当于 `Although it might sound strange`，增强了语气的转折感和吸引力。